For the key evidence, see this video:
which displays the coup while it was happening.
The key fact shown in that video is the phone-conversation in which Obama’s official who had planned and run the coup, Victoria Nuland, was instructing the U.S. Ambassador in Kiev, whom to get appointed (at the coup’s end) to replace the soon-to-be-overthrown democratically elected President of Ukraine, so as to run the country on an interim basis for Obama, until either of two Obama-approved Presidential candidates would subsequently be ‘democratically’ elected to form a ‘democratic’ government of Ukraine, who would be 100% dependent upon the U.S. Government and its vassal governments that comprise the EU.
You can see and hear that complete crucial phone-conversation, right here:
And anybody who wants to see a transcript of that conversation (along with an explanation of it) can read that, right here.
This U.S. coup used two Ukrainian racist-fascist (or “nazi) Russia-hating Ukrainian organizations — the Social-Nationalist Party of Ukraine (renamed by the CIA as the “Freedom” or “Svoboda” Party) and the Right Sector Party — as being the U.S. Government’s proxy forces who carried out the coup for Nuland, and who became the junta’s enforcers, as soon as the democratically elected President was ousted.
An academic article, “Far-right participation in the Ukrainian Maidan protests”, by Volodymyr Ishchenkoa, of the Kiev Polytechnic Institute, and published on 15 March 2016 in the journal European Politics and Society, is here excerpted:
ABSTRACT [or “SUMMARY”]
This is an attempt of a systematic estimation of the far right participation in Maidan protests based on a unique dataset of protest events in Ukraine during President Viktor Yanukovych’s rule. The data presented contradict the thesis supported by most of the experts on Ukrainian far right, that the far right did not play any crucial or even significant role in Maidan protests. The data indicate that the far right Svoboda party was the most active collective agent in Maidan protest events, while the Right Sector was the most active group in Maidan confrontation and violence. Protests with the participation of the far right were not isolated events on the margins of larger ‘peaceful and democratic’ protest. The data indicate the timing and location of the most intense far-right activity, which has previously not received much attention. In general, it highlights the importance of the underestimated, but highly intense and large-scale, Maidan protests in Ukrainian regions beyond the events in Kiev city centre. Finally, it points to how far-right participation in Maidan grew from the moderate opposition parties’ increasing cooperation with Svoboda.
The dominant position among established experts on Ukrainian far right has been that both Svoboda party, and the Right Sector were not dominant in Maidan protests and did not play any crucial, not even significant role (Likhachev, 2014 ; Shekhovtsov, 2014; Umland & Shekhovtsov, 2014). At most, the far right’s provocative and violent actions were only destructive for Maidan movement. These authors usually refer to rough self-estimations of Right Sector membership in January and February 2014, counting only from 300 to 500 people in Kiev. Then they compare it to the Maidan Self-Defence constituency estimated to be around 12,000 by Andriy Parubiy [co-founder of the Social-Nationalist Party of Ukraine], the Self-Defence commander, where the far right controlled only two ‘companies’ (sotni) (Likhachev, 2014, p. 108). This is combined with the survey results conducted among participants of the Kiev Euromaidan camp by the Kiev International Institute of Sociology and the Democratic Initiatives Foundation, which showed that only a small minority of the protesters were members of any political party at all (14.9% in December 2013 and 7.7% in January 2014) (Kiev International Institute of Sociology, 2014a). Finally, those who deny the significance of far-right involvement in Maidan point to their low support in post-Maidan Ukraine: far-right leaders – Oleh Tyahnybok and Dmytro Yarosh – mobilized both less than 2% of the voters in the presidential elections. Later in the parliamentary elections both far-right parties – Svoboda and the Right Sector – fell below 5% threshold to get into the parliament, a sharp contrast with 10% success of Svoboda in 2012 elections (Shekhovtsov, 2014).
What these arguments fail to consider is that mass protest dynamics is very different from electoral competition and that small organized minorities may play a role in the protest movements disproportionate to their percentage among the protesters, or support among the population in general. Besides, both membership estimations and surveys of Maidan protesters focused on Kiev only, leaving open generalizations about their impact nationwide. …
Our systematic protest-event data contradict the thesis, supported by most of the experts of the Ukrainian far right, that the latter did not play any crucial or even significant role in Maidan protests. In fact, the far right were the most active collective agents among Maidan participants, and had the largest share of reported participation in Maidan protest events and specifically in confrontational and violent events, exceeding any other political party or non-partisan initiative. Neither confrontations and violence with far-right participation, nor far-right protests in general, were isolated events on the margins of the mass ‘peaceful and democratic’ protest. Indeed, they were larger than protest events without far-right participation. The far right were the most frequently mentioned identified collective agents at all stages of Maidan. Despite the fact that Svoboda’s participation (together with other oppositional parties) declined in the last days of the armed uprising, the Right Sector replaced it at the first position.
In other words: the data showed that whereas Svoboda dominated the Maidan during the lead-up to the U.S.-organized coup, Right Sector dominated afterward.
On 16 April 2018, a popularized version of that article was published on the “Vox Ukraine” website, under the title “Denial of the Obvious: Far Right in Maidan Protests and Their Danger Today”.
I have elsewhere documented that Obama’s Administration had already been in the planning stages for this coup by no later than June of 2011, and that the set-up for it began inside the U.S. Embassy in Kiev on 1 March 2013.